The Japan Embassy take-over on 17 December 96 by armed members of the MRTA is still unresolved after nearly three months.
The MRTA continues to hold more than 70 hostages. Among them are top government ministers, Supreme Court judges, generals, Ambassadors, Japanese businessman and the younger brother of Alberto Fujimori. What follows is based on an article written by N. Shen a contributor to A World to Win magazine, on 29 January 97, which was circulated worldwide on a limited basis [complete text of this article here].
The MRTA has demanded the release of more than 400 prisoners accused of MRTA membership; payment of "war tax"; that "the government commit itself to changing its economic course in favour of a model which aims for the well-being of the great majority," and safe passage to the jungle for the released prisoners and those carrying out the embassy take-over.
Despite face to face negotiations set up by a panel of mediators the Fujimori government has repeatedly declared that it will not give in to MRTA demands. He has stated his unwillingness to negotiate anything but the release of the hostages in exchange for the safe-conduct of the MRTA commando out of the country.
The Fujimori regime brought this brutality to new depths. In a U.S.-backed coup d'etat in 92, Fujimori sent the Armed Forces to shut down the Congress and other sources of opposition from within the ruling circle. The best example of how he has run the country since then is his 1995 "law of amnesty", which decreed that no government official, civilian or military, could be punished for any crimes committed in the course of the war.
Specifically this was meant to close down investigations and pending trials and free those already convicted in notorious cases. Some of these included the Barrios Altos murders, in which the "Colina Group", a secret Army death squad, machine-gunned 15 people attending a suspected pro-PCP fundraising barbecue in a Lima slum; the Cantuta case, in which the Colina Group kidnapped and murdered nine students and a professor suspected of being PCP sympathizers; and Operation Aries, an Armed Forces offensive in May 94 that Fujimori bragged was a "mini-Vietnam". Though the Armed Forces blocked efforts by the Red Cross and legal human rights groups, the latter later collected evidence that the military indiscriminately murdered captured peasants and carried out massive rocket attacks against Upper Huallaga villages suspected of being PCP base areas.
The demand to free political prisoners is just. The IEC supports the demand that all political prisoners and prisoners of war be freed, regardless of what organisation they are accused of supporting. We also reject the calls being made, specially now that a spotlight is being cast on these injustices, for a "systematic review of trials" in order to distinguish between the "guilty" and the "innocent." Fujimori has no right to make such distinctions whereas the people have every right to rebel against oppression. The regime and the U.S. have implemented some pilot plan to reduce some of the political pressure that exposures of Fujimori's repression have brought on them by letting out a few people, so that those considered real revolutionaries can be kept locked up or killed.
But the MRTA seems to feel a necessity to attack the PCP in a way that is little different to the way the regime and its imperialist backers categorize anyone who dares to rise against injustice. They frequently refer to PCP as "terrorists" and take pride in having attacked and killed its combatants. This necessity to emphasize differences and attack PCP is perhaps explained best by their 30th December 1996 communique: "We confirm that the only possible solution is through listening to our requests and proceeding to free all our detained comrades. We think that a gesture of this nature would help give the first steps to an overall solution to the
problem of political violence through the path of dialogue and a more permanent peace accord." The above statement makes it abundantly clear that the MRTA is fighting to negotiate a peaceful coexistence with the regime based on some reforms. PCP Central Committee, however, has insisted on continuing the war through to the end as the only way forward.
In a recent interview Fujimori acknowledged that plans are being
vigorously pursued for a bloody end to the embassy takeover even
while they are engaged in negotiations with the MRTA. The latest
news reports from Peru speak of tunnels being dug under the embassy
compound. While it is impossible to foresee how the event will
unfold and what the imperialist backers of Fujimori will tell him
to do, there is every reason to be concerned that he is preparing
to commit a terrible crime.
The IEC condemns the recent government military maneuvers and
holds the regime responsible for any bloodshed in the embassy.
Both issues contain brief reports of PCP military actions, analysis
of current affairs and the state of economy in Peru, and exposures
of the regime. The front page headline of the June issue is "From
Andes to the Himalayas, People's War Blazes Victoriously!" with an
editorial on the subject and a centrefold article saluting the
CPN(M) and the RIM for the initiation of the People's War in Nepal.
On page three under the title "NEW TYPE OF CULTURE" there are two
photographs. The first is a guerrilla theatre performance in a
Peruvian prison and the second is a street graffiti from Colombia
depicting slogans: "Rally to the Defence of Our Red Flag Flying in
Peru!" and "Prepare the Initiation of the People's War in Colombia!"
A centrefold article salutes proletarian internationalism and
declares that, "Peoples War is developing from the Andes to the
Himalayas as the only path to liberation." The editorial states
that the initiation of the People's War in Nepal is a much needed
and welcome support and reinforcement strengthening the prospects
for the future birth of the People's Republic in Peru.
The October issue has an editorial strongly upholding RIM and its
unity based on the 1984 Declaration and 1993 resolutions and
documents. There is also a drawing by a Peruvian revolutionary
artist inspired by the initiation of the People's War in Nepal.
Peruvian and host officials very much aware of the widespread
solidarity with the Peruvian people that had given rise to public
demonstrations and pickets everywhere he went, made it a matter of
policy to keep his visit secret till the very last moment.
Less than 24 hours before his visit to Hamburg various political
forces learned of his intended visit and began mobilising for a
picket in front of the Chamber of Commerce. A leaflet by the
Revolutionre Kommunisten(RK) was distributed the day before his
arrival in Hamburg calling upon people to support the people of Peru
waging People's War under the leadership of the PCP and participate
in the picket. Several thousand leaflets were distributed in
different areas of the City and there was a lot of interest and
concern due to the ongoing support work carried out for several
years.
On short notice about 80 people came to the picket the next day,
among them Peruvians, Kurds and Turks. The Peru-Group Hamburg,
consisting of supporters of various political organisations in Peru
including the MRTA, also participated. The Peru-Group brought banners
condemning atrocities of the regime specially the rape of women by
the military. The RK and the TKP/ML(Maoist Party Centre) had several
Mao flags and banners reading "Down With the Fascist Fujimori Regime!
German Imperialists, Hands Off Peru and all Latin America!" and "Down
With the Right Opportunist Line! Support the CC of the PCP! Victory
to the People's War in Peru!"
The German police and the secret service, that have become infamous
for standing aside and watching racists burn refugees to death in
Lubeck and giving free reign to Islamic Republic of Iran's agents
to assassinate Iranian activists in Germany, had saturated the area
armed with riot gear and live ammunition. True to their political
nature they were on high alert to make the visit as pleasant as
possible for the butcher of Lima. But the German police were about
as successful as Fujimori has been in quashing the voice of dissent
and rebellion in Peru. While they were successful in preventing a
demonstrator setting alight a life-size effigy of Fujimori, they
were unable to arrest the protestor amid scuffle and commotion. And
while they had concentrated their forces around the Chamber of
Commerce, around 30 of the demonstrators had regathered in the
harbour waiting for Fujimori to arrive for his scheduled cruise.
Fujimori had to be escorted nervously past the demonstrators into
the pleasure boat amid loud slogans and insults in German, Turkish
and Spanish. For some reason the boat did not sail for 10 minutes
and the whole time he had to bear the wrath of the demonstrators as
a reminder of the fury of the poor in Peru and their international
supporters.
Several papers reported the protest with pictures and TV news
showed footage of the pickets. It is probable that the news of the
protest was broadcast in Peru.
What follows is a brief description of the El Callao naval prison as
the first in a series of articles on Peruvian prisons and political
prisoners.
The prison consists of eight cells approximately 2 by 2 meters. It
is arranged on two adjacent rows in a rectangle of 4 by 8 meters.
There is no provision for artificial light in the cells although they
have a small ceiling aperture to allow sunlight in, but these are
remote controlled and can be shut at any time. Likewise, the water
flow to the hand basin and toilet in the cells are rationed to
certain times each day.
After the first year of total isolation, prisoners are allowed a
daily 30 minute walk in the yard alone, and a monthly half hour visit
with members of the immediate family. In Dr Guzmán's case no visits
of the sort has taken place at all. The walls are thick reinforced
concrete with acoustic provisions to prevent voice or morse contact
between prisoners. The prison is designed and maintained in such a
way that contact, even visual, between prisoners and the outside
world (including the guards) is reduced to an absolute minimum while the prisoners are aware that they are
being watched at all times by remote controlled cameras.
Letters to and from prisoners are strictly controlled by the
National Intelligence Service (SIN), and Fujimori himself has to
give permission for such comunications.
There is no access to books, magazines, papers, TV or radio. The
only information allowed them is through edited videos in a TV
room.
Food is rationed and no prisoner is allowed supplements provided by
anyone from outside and there is no prison shop to buy anything.
Prisoners usually lose weight rapidly and are reduced to skin and
bone. The mother of a prisoner told media reporters she could not
recognize her son because he was "reduced to a ghost of himself."
It is not known if prisoners receive any medical attention at all.
This prison is designed to create a sense of total isolation and
deprivation. Fujimori himself has described it aptly as a tomb for
the living and said "nobody has a long life where [Dr Guzmán] is
held."
One telling exposure of their lies and distortions has been the
fact that they have continued their programme of intense repression
aimed at the masses of people and particularly at those areas where
the People's War has dug deep roots. Far from lifting the state of
emergency, which gives the army draconian powers over the population,
the US-backed Fujimori regime has recently continued it once again
in two thirds of the country.
The emptiness of the regime's boasting was revealed further
when, despite the continuing outcry from human rights groups in Peru
and internationally, on October 12 a large majority in the parliament
approved the continuation of the use of "faceless" judges. "The
faceless judges must continue their functions", proclaimed Gilberto
Siura, a legislator from Fujimori's New Majority-Change 90 Party.
"The achievements obtained in judging and sentencing these criminals
are positive." This policy has come under increasing fire including
after the international exposure accompanying the arrest and trial
before "faceless judges" of the American Lori Berenson for "treason".
The regime has made a big show of freeing a few dozen people whom it
admits were "wrongfully" convicted in this way, and it has made every
effort to portray these as simply "excesses" of a basically sound
system. However, even this carefully orchestrated sideshow has caused
problems for the regime, as several of those released have given
press interviews to expose that they were tortured into signing
confessions and to detail the abysmal conditions in Peru's prisons.
(see accompanying article)
The MRTA occupation of the Japanese embassy has also drawn a
spotlight both on conditions in Peru's prisons and on the social
unrest seething throughout the country. After a lot of hype about
Peru's "miracle economic growth", it has grown increasingly clear to
all that what growth there was took place through short-term economic
fixes and that the results for most of Peru's people have been
increasing impoverishment and hardship. Even figures from the
government itself -- which are disputed by most outside observers for
being heavily biased -- say that 47 percent of the population live
in poverty and 19 percent in extreme poverty. A Reuters report cites
one British news analyst, John Crabtree from Oxford Analitica, who
pointed out that the gap between rich and poor had undeniably
increased under the Fujimori regime. The report goes on to note that
"half of Lima's population live in shanty towns where water is scarce
and garbage dumps are meticulously raked over for scraps of food".
The commentator goes on to observe that the gap between the rural
poor in the countryside and the urban elite has also increased, and
even quotes a Western diplomat admitting that "it is inevitable that
some people will not tolerate this". (Reuters, 23 Dec 96)
At the beginning of the year, the regime claimed that there
couldn't be more than 600-700 PCP guerrillas left -- now, they
report that they have arrested 700 "rebels" in 1996; theoretically,
the arithmetic is easy -- in practice, yet another telling exposure
of the empty triumphalism of the Fujimori regime has been the
ability of the People's War to carry on. Here we can only give a
sample from some of the news reports of actions that have taken
place since the last EB, including a wave of activity that took
place in October in numerous parts of the country, including the
Upper Huallaga valley and the Ayacucho area, and a few actions
involving columns of 50 or more guerrillas.
* Among actions in October were the dynamiting of a Lima TV
station, Global Television, which has broadcast among other things
a number of emissions promoting the Right Opportunist Line calling
for an end to the People's War.
* In early October, reports came in that at least 100
guerrillas from the People's Liberation Army took over the
communities of Matireni, Shimapango and Chikireni in the River Ene
region of Peru's central jungle, home to many Ashaninka Indians,
killing several soldiers and members of the infamous rondas. A
military outpost in Pichakia in the same region was also attacked
and the town taken over as well, in an action that resulted in the
death of several other soldiers. There were also reports of a
number of actions in the Tingo Maria department, leading to the
resignation of over 30 mayors in the area. There were also a series
of actions in the central Huanuco department and Huancavelica, in
which several soldiers were killed. In a town near Lima,
Ventamilla-Callao, nearly 100 guerrillas also briefly took over an
urban neighborhood. Red flags were raised, speeches given, and
graffiti promoting the PCP and the People's War was left behind.
At the same time, 2000 troops were deployed in the central
Andes in an effort to "hunt down Comrade Feliciano, the military
leader of the Shining Path guerrilla group", as government
spokesman put it. Numerous reactionary Sendero watchers have
decried the failure of the arrest of PCP Chairman Gonzalo to put an
end to the People's War, and have promised that if only once more
the government can manage to "cut off the insurgency's head", then
the People's War can finally be defeated. Instead, the regime's
troops have been striking out blindly, bogged down in inhospitable
terrain, and subject to defensive counter-measures that have
demoralized them and sapped their will to fight. Police sources
have now admitted that owing in part to defensive actions by the
revolutionary forces, it is likely that Comrade Feliciano and the
rest of the guerrilla forces have been able to evade the army
sweep.
* In December, a column of over 50 guerrillas took over
another town in northern Peru in the province of Chiclayo.
Besides the actions of the People's War itself, most of which
go unreported in the Peruvian and international press, another
telling sign of their worry over the "return of Sendero", as they
are calling it, is that the US has just announced a step-up of
several tens of millions of dollars in its military aid to Peru.
According to the New York Times, "The Defense Department's
preliminary plans include regular visits to the Peruvian jungle by
scores of Navy Seal and Green Beret trainers. They also call for
supplying Peru with more than 100 patrol boats outfitted with M-60
machine guns, VHF radios, and satellite-linked tracking and
communications gears."
The US claims this step-up in military aid is for the "war on
drugs". This is a thin - and very hypocritical - cover for their
concern about the People's War itself. First, not only have US
imperialist henchmen played a key role in overseeing the drugs
trade for years, but the Fujimori regime is up to its neck in the
drug traffic as well. Recently, a top drug czar, "el Vaticano",
revealed that he had made protection pay-offs to Fujimori's right
hand man, Vladimir Montesinos, who heads up Peru's intelligence
services. An indication of their real concern can be gathered from
a statement by a US State Dept official in reference to the river
regions that are an important focus of the People's War, that
"What you are talking about is imposing control over areas that the
central government has never controlled." (Revolutionary Worker, 23
Feb 97).
BACKDROP TO THE EMBASSY TAKEOVER
In 1980, the Communist Party of Peru began a People's War that has aroused and armed above all the peasants and other poor people to throw off the system squeezing the life out of them. In seeking to drown a righteous rebellion in blood, three Peruvian governments in succession napalmed villages and sent the Armed Forces into suspected "subversive zones" to rampage, rape and kill. The vast majority of the 30,000 people dead in the last 17 years of this war were killed by government forces. A great many of them were unarmed civilians.
POLITICAL PRISONERS
In street roundups during the last year, the regime detained about half a million people, nearly 2 percent of the country's population. In addition to the almost 4,000 people the Fujimori regime sentenced to 30 years or life for "terrorism", there are several thousand more political prisoners. The conditions in the cold dungeons where they are held and tortured have been condemned by a number of international bodies as among the world's most brutal.
MRTA AND THE PCP
The MRTA has made it very clear that its demands are to favour their own members and supporters and no one else. In their communiques the MRTA has strongly distinguished itself from the PCP, not only in term of political line and programme but also in terms that imply that the regime should distinguish between "good" revolutionaries such as them and "bad" revolutionaries such as the PCP. For instance, in its communique No. 3 after the embassy take-over, the MRTA said, "We reject being compared to Shining Path [PCP], which we have repeatedly condemned for the use of an irrational violence that affects the people itself." There is no doubt that the PCP and MRTA are two very different kinds of organisations. And naturally both organisations would want to draw attention to their ideological, political, and organizational distinctions.
LIMA EL DIARIO REAPPEARS DESPITE DIFFICULTIES
The IEC has recently received two issues of the El Diario published
in Lima by the PCP. The Eldiarios are June and October 96 issues.
The reappearance of the paper in support of the continuation of the
People's War is a significant development. For nearly two years
since the bust-up of the underground paper, the only Eldiario
published in Lima was that of the supporters of the peace
negotiations line promoting a "capitulationist Right Opportunist
Line", as it is called by the PCP and RIM.
GERMANY: IEC SUPPORTERS PICKET FUJIMORI
In October 96 Alberto Fujimori made an official visit to Germany and
was received by the German President Herzog in Bonn. The main
purpose of his visit was to promote his economic policies and
encourage German capital investment in Peru. As part of his German
tour he had a scheduled visit to the Hamburg Chamber of Commerce
where he gave a talk on prospects for lucrative profits awaiting
German investors in Peru.
PRISON CONDITIONS
For a number of years now UN, AI, and other human right organisations
have condemned the Peruvian regime for violating international
standards regarding the treatment of political prisoner. The IEC
Bulletins and other material have contained reports and information
on the plight of the political prisoners and the criminal policies
of the regime towards them. It has been of utmost importance and
still continues to be so that the crimes of the regime be exposed and
people around the world continue to demand that the rights of the
prisoners be respected.
EL CALLAO
In April 1993 Peruvian government moved Dr Guzmán to a newly built
prison inside the marine base in Callao port, Lima.

PEOPLE'S WAR
Since the capture of PCP Chairman Gonzalo, Peru's President
Fujimori has repeatedly boasted that he would guarantee the complete
defeat of the People's War, giving various dates for this
accomplishment. This wishful triumphalism has been punctured time and
again by actual developments.
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